[STAND BY FOR LIVE CAPTIONS] 
[STAND BY FOR LIVE CAPTIONS] (2:00:33 p.m.Eastern Standard Time), Melina Danko:  Testing out to make sure that you have the ability to share your screen. 

[STAND BY FOR LIVE CAPTIONS] Melina Danko:  (A pause), 
>> Lesley E. Cottrell , PhD. Director, WVU Center for Excellence in Disabilities / Professor, Vice‑Chair, Department of Pediatric Research:  Good afternoon, everyone and welcome to the January Grand Rounds, from the West Virginia University CED. 
We appreciate your time in joining us, and we're honored, to have our guest speaker here, Dr. Sujeong Park, from PennState at Harrisburg Campus, and as you can see, she's already shared her desktop, but we're going to be talking about the rise and particularly the illicit opioids which as you‑all know definitely has affected West Virginia, and larger portions of this region. 
But particularly the labor supply, and disability claims. 
So, Dr. Park, we really appreciate your time, and expertise, with us today, I'm going to turn it over to you, and, let you get started, thank you, (concludes remarks) 
>> Dr. Park:  Thank you, Hi, everyone, good to see you in, not in person, but in the virtual person, my name is Sujeong Park. 
And I am a professor at PennState Harrisburg, in this position is cofunded by social science research institute at, PennState. 
So, actually, um... today I'm going to talk about how the illicit opioids affect labor supply, and also about SSDI, which you might be very familiar with. 
So, before I go further, please let me ask you one QUESTION:  How many of you are familiar with OxyContin formulation? 
I think maybe Zoom has a function to raise your hand. 
I don't know whether you're allowed to do that or not. 
So if you, are familiar with that, please, show me your hands. 
>> Lesley Cottrell:  And you mean in terms of our work, or whatever experience, if we're familiar, with ‑‑ okay, great. 
>> Dr. Park:  Yeah. 
Oh, okay, not a lot ‑‑ oh, a lot. 
So, well, maybe, you are familiar with opioid epidemic but maybe you ‑‑ maybe, you're not familiar with OxyContin formulation which I am going to talk about with ‑‑ a lot today, so let me, explain it, more in detail a bit. 
So, this paper, is, published, last year. 
That, I ‑‑ with Powell, with RAND Corporation and we work on how ‑‑ the opioid had impact on, supply. 
We worked about how it had an impact on crime and other issues, so I'm going to talk about the background about the opioid epidemic, what kind of, policies have been implemented and research questions and  methods, and I will share the outcomes. 
So, everyone knows what opioid is, I guess, kind of a pain‑killer, so it helps you, treat pain. 
But sometimes, it is because it is addictive; so maybe, people are going to misuse it. 
So, it can cause a lot of problems and in the United States, it became a big issue. 
So, in 2017, exPresident Trump, declared a Public Health emergency because of prescription opioid issues. 
And, 1.7 million people, were suffering from prescription opioid misuse, and according to CDC, more than 130 people, were dead, because of overdose of prescription of opioid, which is a lot of people. 
So it became a big policy problem, and became a big health problem. 
So, what I was thinking about, when we ‑‑ when we ‑‑ when I, wrote about this, is I don't think this is going to be the only problem. 
I think opioid epidemic has ‑‑ might have other impacts on other issues. 
So I.... 
Looked into other researchers and it seems like it has a lot of impact on labor market. 
So some people, estimated, economic loss, which is 25 to 41 billion dollars and also, there is a lot of increase in criminal costs because of the opioid issues which ‑‑ some studies estimate is going to be 3 to 7 billion dollars, also several studies about how the opioid epidemic had an impact on child welfare. 
It has increased foster care, and also some people find the Child treatment increases, which is really sad. 
So today I'm going to talk about the labor part. 
So how opioid had impact on labor and also how it affected, Social Security Disability insurance. 
But before we go, I should explain more about the opioid crisis:  So, opioid crisis, usually (next slide), (on PowerPoint:  Opioid crisis), assumed it started in 1999, with rising prescription opioid ‑‑ opioid overdose deaths, so, and you can see the purple lines, increased since 1999, and then we can see, there is another increase in ‑‑ orange line, which is heroin, the second wave started in around 2010 or 2011, with a high ‑‑ with an increase in heroin overdoses, nowadays we are talking about a third wave, which started around 2013, which is about the synthetic opioid overdose deaths. 
You can see the blue ‑‑ dark blue line and you can see, there is a sharp increase in the overdose deaths because of the synthetic opioid, so this is what happened during the opioid crisis, a lot of people were dead because of that. 
And then government, federal government, state government tried to do something. 
(Next slide "policy responses") during the first wave there was approval for abuse deterrent version of OxyContin in 2010, OxyContin is one of the most common prescription opioids. 
And then, they tried ‑‑ they ‑‑ uh ‑‑ if they approved the abuse deterrent version. 
And then in 2010, August, pharmacies, start distributing the original version of the OxyContin, and they only distributed it, abuse‑deterrent version of OxyContin, and second and third wave, state level policy had been implemented which is PDMP, prescription drug monitoring program, and, actually, PDMP has been, influenced ‑‑ it can it studied a lot in the 1900s but the modern modern version of the PDMP started around 2012 in West Virginia, and today, I'm going to talk. 
More about the OxyContin formulation and PDMPs. 
The reformulation, you can see these pictures, so original formulation is, misuse OxyContin is usually if you want to get high, or if you want to get faster, in fact, what you are going to do is crush the pill into a powder. 
And then you are going to snort it. 
Snort it, or inject it. 
Or you are going to use it in other way, with a powder. 
But with that reformulation, from the 2010, if you tried to crush the OxyContin, it is going to be a gummy gel, instead of a powder, and then it is not going to be easy to misuse it anymore. 
Because you cannot snort it or you cannot inject it. 
So that is how people ‑‑ try to respond to the prescription opioid crisis, so people thought, it could make it harder to misuse OxyContin pills, people would stop using it. 
Or misuse it. 
So there was the, there was the what we expected. 
Actually, many studies provided some evidence that this behavior, restriction, decreases some prescription opioid deaths; however, when you ‑‑ implement a policy, there is a unintended consequences. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  So one study in 2018, they ‑‑ 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  Some researchers tried to evaluate, the effect of the OxyContin reformulation. 
So the policy tried to limit the access to prescription opioid misuse. 
However, what we expect is decrease in opioid misuse, but, actually, what happened is there was an increased demand for substitution which is heroin. 
Heroin and opioids are almost the same drugs; so ‑‑ but, heroin is not quality‑controlled, because you are going to get it from the street, which means, it's going to be more dangerous; so there is ‑‑ there was an increase in heroin overdose deaths which was higher than decrease in prescription opioid overdose deaths reductions, so there is what happened with OxyContin reformulation from a health perspective. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  And then we are going back to the broader effects, so I was thinking, so in the case, if the OxyContin reformulation had an impact of the ‑‑ overdose deaths, which is kind of extreme case, what about the labor market? 
Or what about the criminal justice? 
And what about the Child welfare? 
So these are ‑‑ actually, my dissertation, these are papers but today I'm just going to talk about the labor market.... 
Today. 
So there was a background ‑‑ but do you have any questions so far? 
Because I usually think ‑‑ because I wrote about OxyContin reformulation and opioid things and sometimes I use ‑‑ assume, people know about it already. 
Sometimes it's not. 
(Pause), I will give you five seconds and then if you don't have any questions I will proceed. 
(After a pause), okay, so I want to evaluate how OxyContin reformulation, has an impact on labor market. 
And also, maybe ‑‑ also in Social Security ‑‑ Social Security Disability issuance program. 
And, first of all, the labor market outcomes, and then we ‑‑ I found several studies about how ‑‑ studies, how opioid crisis has an impact on labor‑market outcomes, so people say, it's a prescription opioid availability. 
It usually brings a ‑‑ more ‑‑ usually in prescription opioids, and they usually ‑‑ labor force participation ‑‑ they decline ‑‑ they show a decline in labor force. 
But, however, another study said the rescheduling hydrocodone which is another type of opioid, limits medical access to hydrocodone, and, actually, it improved the labor force participation. 
And other studies tried to evaluate the PDMP implementation and then they found that because of the PDMP implementation, people, people move to heroin or other synthetic opioids and then, it led to reductions to employment. 
So there are some mixed results about the ‑‑ how opioid crisis has an impact on labor market. 
But overall people think, it has a countereffect on labor market. 
(Next slide) and now we are going to talk about Social Security Disability Insurance. 
So, this is a a federal program, 4% of federal budget, and, actually, people are going to be confused because substance use disorder, cannot be the only ‑‑ if you have a substance use disorder, only, you cannot um.... 
Get the SSDI. 
It is not enough, so because ‑‑ substance use disorder, if you ‑‑ if you have only this condition, you are not qualified for Social Security Disability insurance, so if you want to have a ‑‑ receive Social Security Disability insurance, you should have another medical condition, which is not substance use disorder. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  So found like ‑‑ substance use disorder shouldn't be also associated with SSDI beneficiaries. 
But it is not. 
Actually, in ‑‑ among SSDI beneficiaries, there is a higher substance use disorder rate. 
So if you ‑‑ if you receive SSDI, it means you are more likely to have a substance use disorder. 
(Pause). 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  (Continuing), so how opioid has impact ‑‑ how OxyContin reformulation might have impact on the SSDI ‑‑ SSDI application rates? 
Because opioid misuse or heroin misuse is not going to guarantee you get the SSDI. 
But OxyContin reformulation will increase access to heroin and fentanyl. 
It means that it will have a harmful effect on labor ability, which ‑‑ even though you have another condition, you didn't have to ‑‑ maybe you didn't need to apply for the SSDI before. 
But now, because you have a heroin misuse symptom or something, you want to ‑‑ because you ‑‑ now you cannot work anymore in the case, you want to apply for the SSDI. 
So that would be the possible mechanism. 
Also, some people say, "Hey, if you did have ‑‑ maybe OxyContin reformulation, opioid misuse initiation, so it is going to have a beneficial outcome on labor ability." So which can be true, but, also, there is another mechanism about how maybe OxyContin reformulation policy has increased expanded illicit drug market and increase crime, and which is harmful for population health. 
And it might have impact on the economic conditions. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  So there are several possible mechanisms, but I am going to focus on the first mechanism:  So, OxyContin reformulation ‑‑ would increase access to heroin and fentanyl. 
Or demand to heroin and ‑‑ or fentanyl, and it will cause harmful effects on labor ability. 
And then it will ‑‑ it will lead to the increase in SSDI applications. 
(Pause). 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  So this is my hypothesis. 
And research questions. 
 ‑‑ so my research question is ‑‑ did the OxyContin reformulation in 2010 increase the SSDI applications? 
And also, whether it decreased the labor participation. 
So my hypothesis is going to be, after OxyContin reformulation in 2010, states with higher opioid misuse rates ‑‑ before 2010, would experience a larger increase in SSDI applications, and decrease in labor participation. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  So I am going to explain how did I ‑‑ how ‑‑ what kind of... research design I used to answer this question. 
(After a pause), before I go to the methods section, if you have any questions this is the time. 
(Awaiting questions from the Floor). 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  Okay. 
No, so let me talk about the data, first, so for the labor outcomes, we use several data sets so we can confirm whether we are not depending on the one specific data set. 
So we use a Bureau of Economic Analysis, current employment statistics; and the American Community Survey. 
And for the ‑‑ SSDI (a pause),. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  ‑‑ SSDI, (continuing) we got data from the Social Security Administration. 
And then for the drug use, I used the National Survey on Drug use, and heroin ‑‑ [sic] health, and then I used the current population survey and marijuana policy database and Medicare Seer data to get some contravariables. 
And this is my empirical approach. 
So I am going to use the different ‑‑ so, rate ‑‑ OxyContin misuse rate with OxyContin reformulation, so let's assume, one state has high OxyContin misuse rate in 2005, 2006, 2007, and 2008, 9, or 10 ‑‑ after the OxyContin reformulation, there would be ‑‑ there would be a lot of people, who ‑‑ who can ‑‑ who cannot use the OxyContin ‑‑ OxyContin to misuse it. 
After the OxyContin reformulation. 
It means there would be a high ‑‑ there would be high transition to heroin due to the reformulation. 
It means, these ‑‑ the states with high OxyContin misuse rates, will be more affected by higher illicit drug use, if the state doesn't have any person who ‑‑ who misuses OxyContin, before the OxyContin reformulation, even though, after the OxyContin reformulation, the state is not going to experience any change. 
Because they didn't ‑‑ the state didn't have any person who misused OxyContin ‑‑ OxyContin but this is natural. 
We have at least one person in each state. 
So what I did, is we did a ‑‑ we used OxyContin misuse rate and interacted with variables and compared that, before the OxyContin reformulation and then after the OxyContin reformulation, and how the OxyContin misuse rate had an impact on the ‑‑ on the outcome variables. 
(Pause), so this is my equation. 
So my outcome variable is going to be labor supply, and the disability outcomes, in state level. 
And then each year. 
So this is state level outcome, and then OXY rate, this one is state level of variables, so I'm going to give each state ‑‑ assigned, OxyContin misuse rate for each state. 
Which is between the 2004 and 2009. 
So which is, before ‑‑ reformulation. 
And, this ‑‑ coefficient for the OxyContin ‑‑ misuse rate. 
And also, I ‑‑ used, pain reliever rate, which is pain reliever misuse rate so I can kind of separate the OxyContin misuse rate, and then other pain reliever misuse rates, because, OxyContin reformulation, will have an impact only for the OxyContin, misuse, not the pain reliever, so we ‑‑ I don't want to see any effects of the delta, any difference in delta before and after the reformulation. 
And also include all of the contravariables and that is my equation, so just one more thing:  The data is reference level for the delta is 2009, which is just one year, before OxyContin reformulation. 
(A pause), 
Okay, so let me give you ‑‑ show some outcomes, results. 
Here, this is the labor market outcomes, so this is from the Bureau of economic, Analysis and this red line, is ‑‑ 2009, which is my reference level. 
So each point shows the delta, here, (switching back to the equations slide), and then after 2009, I put delta as zero, as a reference level. 
And then what I expect, is, that in fact, ‑‑ OxyContin misuse rate, it's going to be different before the reformulation, because ‑‑ before the reformulation, 2009, 2008, there is no ‑‑ exogenous showing on the drug use, however, after the reformulation, if I ‑‑ expect the delta, each point, is going to be negative, it means, if the state had a higher OxyContin misuse rate, they will experience a lower, Per Capita employment. 
So as you can see, 2009 ‑‑ 2010, the effect was pretty.... 
Nothing ‑‑ [sic] but as time goes by, you can see that there is a lot of decrease in labor participation. 
In ‑‑ high OxyContin misuse states. 
(Pause), then the other outcome variables such as Per Capita employee compensations, and, percentage worked, so this is the labor market outcomes. 
And also, I did some heterogeneous effects of policy. 
And then I was able to find that this effect was, bigger ‑‑ larger in males, and white, and lower‑educated people; and then, younger people with poor ‑‑ under 50 years, so there was the labor market outcomes, and then this is the ‑‑ here is ‑‑ so males, have a more ‑‑ show the more ‑‑ reduced labor participation. 
And then, whites showed less ‑‑ reduced labor participation. 
And what I am going to show, is going to be the Social Security Disability Applications, so first, A, shows the applications Per Capita, so you can see, before the ‑‑ there is no difference between the 2000 ‑‑ oh, ‑‑ 2009, so this is a reference level. 
And then there is no difference in delta coefficient, so it means even if there is.... 
However, after the reformulation, you can see the increase in coefficient. 
It means if you ‑‑ if the states have a higher... OxyContin misuse rate, before the reformulation, they will experience a higher Social Security Disability Applications. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park: So even though the opioid misuse, or substance use disorder is not.... 
Not ‑‑ qualified for applying for that ‑‑ SSDI, we assume ‑‑ maybe they have another condition already, and then because of the (a pause). 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  Opioid misuse, (continuing), they experience, maybe harder economic conditions. 
And they lead them to apply for the SSDI. 
There was our interpretation for this outcomes. 
And then let me introduce the second.... 
Second outcome variable, which is a favorable determination per application, the problem is the beneficiary information, from the SSA, the application date and the determination date is not going to be the same. 
Right? 
If I apply for SSDI, sometimes, it is going to be ‑‑ quick to get the result, but sometimes it's going to be really ‑‑ take a lot of time to get my determination. 
So sometimes, I heard, even it takes some years, so we ask the SSA, to ‑‑ could you give us the information? 
So ‑‑ about the application ‑‑ so based on the application years? 
And then how they ‑‑ how you determined whether you are going to provide SSDI, or not? 
So, these.... 
(A pause), 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  (Indicating.)  So for this one, it's ‑‑ each year, (referring to chart B), it is the application, and then, for that year, and then also, it shows the determination based on the application year. 
(Pause), so you can see, there is an increase in 2010, compared to 2009, so after the OxyContin reformulation, we also ‑‑ we were able to see that was favorable determination for the Social Security Disability applications. 
(After a pause). 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  And for the beneficiary per capita (D) so this one is not benchmarked to the application years, so it ‑‑ when you see these.... 
 ‑‑ figures, you should be more careful with interpretation. 
Because, it means ‑‑ so if you are in the 2011, it means maybe you will apply for the SSDI in 2009, before the OxyContin reformulation. 
So, it doesn't guarantee the application happened in the same year, with a beneficiary. 
Beneficiary year. 
(A pause) so, also, I did the same analysis with ‑‑ by diagnostic conditions; so ‑‑ which diagnostic condition might have more increase in SSDI due to the OxyContin reformulation. 
So, we chose four conditions. 
Because they are the ‑‑ they share the largest portion of the applications. 
And then, these are the Social Security Disability beneficiaries, due to mental disorders. 
(A), and you can see, the increase in the number of beneficiaries after the OxyContin reformulations, in states with high OxyContin misuse rate. 
You can see, also ‑‑ you can see the same trends in diagnostic groups, however, they are less statistically‑significant, compared to the previous labor market, or, application rate. 

So we also checked with different functional forms, and also we used the Bartik Prediction, which we can predict local economic conditions. 
We tried to, control the economic conditions, and also we tried to, use different functional forms, so we wanted to make sure, this is not because of the specific functional forms, or not. 
So we checked ‑‑ checklist, and our result is not from economic shock, and also shows a consistent result across the different functional forms. 

>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  So my conclusion:  Is, effects of ongoing reformulation ‑‑ on labor market participation was negative. 
And then also, it increased disability insurance applications. 
(Next slide), and I am going to work on this area... (pause) in the near future, so I am going to continue to work on the unintended or intended consequences of drug policies; and try to find the demand and supply side on policies and interventions because the OxyContin reformulation, is ‑‑ a kind of supply‑side intervention. 
And then, in a sense ‑‑ it may work for some people, but ‑‑ overall, it raises a lot of overdose deaths and also shows negative effect on labor market. 
So we ‑‑ I want to also find, another effective interventions which are focused, on demand side. 
So this is the end of my presentation, and I'm... (pause), this is my contact information. 
If you have any questions, please let me know, and then, because I think I'm pretty ‑‑ I try ‑‑ yeah, (I don't know, ) I don't know how to finish this. 
I was ‑‑ I didn't expect this much people, actually, so I was a little bit nervous, and if I'm nervous, I talk too quickly. 
And then miss some important points so maybe if you have any questions, and ‑‑ you didn't explain this part and I have more questions about this ‑‑ please let me know! 
Okay. 
(Concludes remarks). 
>> Lesley Cottrell:  I thought you did very well, it's a very complicated subject matter; and, but you went through it very well. 
>> Dr. Cottrell:  In terms of your audience, there are many on here, who probably served individuals who ‑‑ when we saw that change in the labor market, with the increase in disability rates, started to serve them, so I wonder, if people saw a difference in the services that were needed, around that time. 
(A pause), you know, we ‑‑ we saw different people seeking those services, so ‑‑ obviously, if they had been using ‑‑ (pause), those particular... drugs, maybe they needed different things, does anyone ‑‑ did anyone notice that about that time? 
Any anecdotal... uh, effects? 
(Pause), stimulus checks. 
(Pause),. 
>> Lesley E. Cottrell , PhD. Director, WVU Center for Excellence in Disabilities / Professor, Vice‑Chair, Department of Pediatric Research:  We've also had a switch from OxyContin to heroin, in some portions of ours, and that's why I was asking, S earlier, like, if that switch, like, you were saying, would have changed the labor, and the needs either. 
(A pause), so it's good that you're looking at interventions next, and services provided. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  So a lot of people ask me about the ‑‑ it means, you're saying we shouldn't do the obvious ‑‑ OxyContin pill or something, so I thought, no it is good for people, who are ‑‑ who are going to initiate the opioid ‑‑ opioid. 
But if you just give obvious intervention for people who are allegedly misusing but it's going to bring some effects. 
So what I was thinking, is maybe, we can do the a approach, one, we just provide the same ‑‑ reformulation pill for the people who already used it; but for the people who are going to initiate the OxyContin later, we can give the new formulation so we can prevent the ‑‑ initiation. 
So there was the ‑‑ (pause), my thought (pause), OxyContin reformulation policy. 
Okay. 
( Pause). 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  So there are a lot of comments on... ‑‑ (pause), yeah, about the COVID. 
I would like to check with the COVID‑19 ‑‑ how COVID had an impact on the opioid use, so what I was thinking, is maybe, people are going to ‑‑ even harder to get heroin now, so, because they need to go outside, to get a pill. 
Now, I don't know how they are going to get the pill, so, it's going to be my next question, about how the COVID had an impact on opioid use. 
And... (a pause), okay. 
 ‑‑ (reading comment from Mandy filippelli), Michael:  Excuse me, I had a question, for you, in your presentation you mentioned synthetic drugs and, obviously, that's a very major concern today. 
When you can go in, you know, the kids can go and shops, and buy synthetic cocaine, and just about anything they want. 
I know, I mean, I know a lot of states have banned those, but as soon as they banned it, something else comes in to take its place, how much impact does that have, with your study, overall? 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  So let me make sure I understand your question clearly, so you're asking, about how reformulation had an impact on synthetic opioid? 
 ‑‑ 
>> Michael Rollyson:  Yes. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  So, previous studies done by other people (scrolling back through PowerPoint presentation), so, Dr. Alpert and Powell, they show there was an increase in heroin overdose deaths due to OxyContin reformulation, and I believe David Powell also, did another study, saying, long‑term impact on OxyContin reformulation on synthetic opioid overdose deaths, so they show that because of the, not because of it. 
 ‑‑ I don't know how to say, but ‑‑ 
Opioid ‑‑ OxyContin reformulation there was a long‑term impact on synthetic opioids overdose deaths, too, so it is not only for the heroin, and also for the other synthetic opioid use, because, I think that, people who get heroin, and then maybe the heroin ‑‑ they are going to have a more ‑‑ access to the other drugs, the other synthetic opioids, too; so, yeah, I ‑‑ I don't know how much had an impact on the synthetic opioid overdose deaths but there are several studies saying that, opioid overdose ‑‑ OxyContin reformulation had an impact on synthetic opioids. 
And also, I would like to mention, about the PDMP, which is the prescription drug monitoring program, (PowerPoint:  Policy responses), this is the step level and must access PDMP is that you should ‑‑ access to the state database, to prescribe a certain type of drugs, so in it makes it harder for people, to get prescription opioids, in other other drugs, and then, I heard ‑‑ and I read some papers, also, must‑access PDMP had a negative impact on health, because people ‑‑ if you are going to, if you cannot get the prescription opioid, you are not just going to stop. 
You are going to look for other substitutions. 
And then, this must‑access PDMP, had also similar effect on the overdose deaths. 
So ‑‑ and then also, I heard ‑‑ I read a paper saying this PDMP also had impact on synthetic opioid overdose deaths, so not only OxyContin reformulation, supply side of the policy, which is the PDMP, has an impact on overdose deaths, too, so 
Which ‑‑ I believe, West Virginia, it used this policy in 2012. 
So, yeah, (pause), well, I think this ‑‑ this ‑‑ the problem, is, I think, the timing. 
If we ‑‑ if we ‑‑ use this PDMP earlier, it would be more effective, but now, because we had a lot of people already misuse opioids ‑‑ not when we try to stop them, they are going to find another ‑‑ they are going to find other substitutions; so, yeah, that is the problem, with ‑‑ supply‑side issues. 
I don't know whether I answered your question or not. 
But ‑‑ 
>> Michael:  Yes, you did, and thank you very much. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  Thank you. 
>> Michael:  I just ‑‑ I used to work with kids; and, I had several of my kids, that are now, brain‑dead, because they were buying synthetic drugs at the head shops, because it was cheap, and they got addicted to it. 
And, I mean, it permanently damaged them. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  Yeah, it is really sad. 
(Pause),. 
>> Michael Rollyson:  But, yes, you answered my question and I really appreciate you taking the time to give clarification on that. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  Thank you. 
Is there anything I forgot to mention? 
(A pause), I was ‑‑ unless I forgot something, I would love to talk. 
>> Lesley E. Cottrell , PhD. Director, WVU Center for Excellence in Disabilities / Professor, Vice‑Chair, Department of Pediatric Research:  I think in the chat, people ‑‑ there's so many examples of people who have different experiences, where, we're seeing your research play out in real‑life. 
>> Dr. Cottrell:  (After a pause), so, I mean, again, I know you teach, at 3:00, so we'll transition to that, but, it's really interesting, when you see the comments made earlier, that you combined, the opioid crisis, with the labor market. 
I agree with the earlier comments ‑‑ I've never seen those two things paired with one another to really get that bigger view of that impact; so, please share any of your future work. 
We'll be watching. 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  Okay. 
>> Dr. Cottrell:  For future studies that you do. 
You're so close to us in terms of region, that it's definitely pertinent to us; so... 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  Yeah, that would be great! 
(Pause), so it is less relevant to the disability issues, but I am working on submitting my paper, which is about opioid ‑‑ OxyContin reformulation. 
And crime occurrence, because I saw people are more likely to be a victim, if they are trying to get...:  Illicit drugs from the streets; so, yeah, ‑‑ once I get accepted, I will share out my work later. 
>> Dr. Cottrell:  That would be great. 
Thank you! 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  Thank you. 
>> Dr. Cottrell:  All right, with that, we'll close out, and appreciate you attending and Dr. Park, I appreciate you sharing us your experience and study with us. 
Have a great afternoon, this has been recorded, so please share that information, and Dr. Park, have a good class! 
>> Dr. Sujeong Park:  Thank you. 
>> Dr. Cottrell:  Thanks everyone. 
(Concludes remarks at2:44:14 p.m. Eastern Standard Time)